Child Abuse



The Truth about Child Abuse

The article below was published in Human Events, 29 April 2002.  (Owing to
problems, I only learned of it this week.)  It is more extensive than my
commentary of the same name that went out about the same time.

Human Events is a very important publication, read by some of the most
influential people in Washington, including the President, cabinet members,
and members of Congress.  This is their third piece on fatherhood issues
this year.  If you have Republican or conservative Democratic state and
local lawmakers, send them a copy.  They will understand that our issues are
being put on the agenda in Washington.

To see who reads Human Events, go to:

Stephen Baskerville


[Human Events, vol. 58, no. 16, 29 April 2002, p. 14.]

The Truth About Child Abuse



April is Child Abuse Prevention Month, according to the Department of
Health and Human Services.  Kinaya Sokoya, director of the D.C. Children's
Trust Fund, suggests we use the occasion to raise the public's awareness
about child abuse through public education and funding parent-support
programs.  In plain English, what this means is more government programs of
questionable efficacy.

It is not likely we are going to reduce child abuse by educating anyone,
especially given the message Ms. Sokoya sends to child abusers:  In order
to take good care of your child, you must take good care of yourself.

The public is already aware that we are in an epidemic of child abuse.  Less
widely known but still well understood among researchers is what causes it.
What we lack is the resolve to face the politically incorrect truth.

The massive growth of child abuse coincides directly with the divorce
revolution and fatherless homes.  As Sokoya tacitly acknowledges, child
abuse takes place overwhelmingly in the homes and at the hands of single

A study just released by the Heritage Foundation confirms that children are
up to 33 times more likely to be abused in a single-parent home than in an
intact family.  Contrary to public perception, write Patrick Fagan and
Dorothy Hanks, research shows that the most likely physical abuser of a
young child will be that childs mother, not a male in the household.  A
1996 HHS study found that almost two-thirds [of child abusers] were
females, and mothers accounted for 55% of child murders according to a 1994
Justice Department report.

As Maggie Gallagher writes in her 1996 book, The Abolition of Marriage:
The person most likely to abuse a child physically is a single mother.  The
person most likely to abuse a child sexually is the mother's boyfriend or
second husband. . . .   Divorce, though usually portrayed as a protection
against domestic violence, is far more frequently a contributing cause.

The only thing unusual in the sensational case of Andrea Yates is that the
couple remained married.  Most child abusers first eliminate the father
through unilateral divorce or separation, whereupon they can abuse his
children with impunity.

As the Heritage report confirms, the safest place for a child is an intact,
two-parent home  that is, a home with a father in it.  Childrens natural
protectors are their fathers.  Even feminist Adrienne Burgess observes that
fathers have often played the protector role inside families.  Removing
the father is what exposes the children to danger.

Yet removing fathers is precisely what family court judges routinely do at
the mere request of mothers, who file two-thirds to nine-tenths of divorces.
Ironically, this is often effected with trumped-up charges of child abuse,
though statistically biological fathers seldom abuse their children (6.5% of
child murders, according to the DOJ study).  Judges claim they remove the
father, even when no evidence of abuse has occurred, to err on the side of
caution.  In fact they are erring on the side of danger, and it is
difficult to believe they do not realize it.

Dickens observed the one great principle of the . . . law is to make
business for itself.  In this instance, family courts and child protective
bureaucracies make business for themselves by eliminating the father from
the home, thus creating the environment conducive to abused children.
Appalling as it sounds, the conclusion seems inescapable that we have
created a massive governmental machine staffed by officials with a vested
professional interest in abused children.

This is a shocking statement, but it proceeds predictably from the logic
inherent to all bureaucracies: to perpetuate the problem they ostensibly
exist to address.

The logic is marvelously self-justifying and self-perpetuating, since by
eliminating the father, government officials can then present themselves as
the solution to the problem they themselves create.  The more child abuse
whether by parents or even by the social work bureaucracies themselves  the
more the proffered solution is to further expand the child abuse
bureaucracy.  Waxing indignant about a string of child deaths at the hands
of social workers in the District of Columbia, federal judges and the
Washington Post find solace in the D.C. governments solution: hire more
social workers (and lawyers too for some unspecified reason).  Olivia
Golden, the Child and Family Services' latest director . . . will use her
increased budget to recruit more social workers and double the number of
lawyers.  Lawyers, not fathers, now protect children.

If we do not have the courage to tell the truth about who is abusing
children and the role of government in permitting and even encouraging them
to do it, then all our professed concern for children is mere posturing.  We
do no service to children or to public awareness by funding groups and
programs with an interest in obscuring the truth and exacerbating the

Dr. Baskerville is professor of political science at Howard University.




x>Catholic World Report, August/September 2001, Vol. 11, No. 8, pp. 54-58.
>What God Has Joined Together.
>The advent of "no-fault" divorce in the US has given rise to a system that
>strips fathers of their rights, accelerates the breakdown of families, and
>makes a mockery of the marital contract.
>By Stephen Baskerville
>The worldwide crisis of the family is now inspiring urgent attempts to
>strengthen marriage and promote responsible fatherhood. With a divorce rate
>upwards of 50 percent, and with some 40 percent of children now living in
>homes without their fathers-and with a growing realization of the
>destructive social and personal pathologies this trend engenders-groups
>Marriage Savers and the National Fatherhood Initiative have arisen in the
>United States to restore these institutions through public awareness and
>While such efforts are laudable, their effectiveness is likely to be
>until we come to grips with the realities underlying the family crisis. If
>we face some bitter truths about why families are breaking up, the study
>will take us beyond the safe confines of vague moral exhortation into
>of law and politics that many of us would rather avoid.
>To begin, we must realize the image many people have -of marriages simply
>and mutually "breaking down"-is not accurate. As permitted under "no-fault"
>divorce laws, some 80 percent of American divorces are unilateral,
>to Frank Furstenberg and Andrew Cherlin, authors of Divided Families. In
>other words, most divorces take place over the objection of one spouse, who
>is generally committed to keeping the family together.
>Contrary to another persistent myth, when minor children are involved, the
>divorcing parent is overwhelmingly likely to be the mother. In Divorced
>Dads: Shattering the Myths, Arizona State University psychologist Sanford
>Braver has shown that at least two-thirds of American divorces are
>by women. Moreover, few of these divorces involve grounds such as
>adultery, or violence. The reasons most often given are "growing apart" or
>"not feeling loved or appreciated."
>Other studies have reached similar conclusions. The proportion of divorces
>initiated by women climbed to more than 70 percent when no-fault divorce
>introduced, according to Margaret Brinig of the University of Iowa and
>Douglas Allen of Simon Fraser University. Mothers "are more likely to
>instigate separation, despite a deep attachment to their children and the
>evidence that many divorces harm children." And the "bottom line" is indeed
>the children. After analyzing 21 different variables, Brinig and Allen
>concluded that "who gets the children is by far the most important
>in deciding who files for divorce." Author Robert Seidenberg goes further,
>reporting that "all the domestic relations lawyers I spoke with concurred
>that in disputes involving child custody, women initiate divorce almost all
>the time." [original emphasis]
>Nightmare scenario
>It is difficult to overestimate the importance of this finding. A very
>different picture of the situation is clearly assumed by political leaders
>who call for repeated crackdowns on supposedly dissolute fathers. "I
>children should not have to suffer twice for the decisions of their parents
>to divorce," Senator Mike DeWine said on the Senate floor in June 1998;
>"once when they decide to divorce, and again when one of the parents evades
>the financial responsibility to care for them." But most fathers (and some
>mothers) have made no such decisions. They are expelled by a divorce to
>which they have not consented.
>Family law today allows mothers to walk away from marriages whenever they
>feel like it and take the children with them. Not only is this behavior
>permitted; it is encouraged and rewarded with financial incentives. Even
>more disturbing, in some cases it appears that mothers are actually being
>pressured into filing for a divorce they do not necessarily want by
>social-service agencies.
>The problem runs much deeper than the bias against fathers in court custody
>decisions. Such bias certainly exists, but it goes well beyond the
>supposition that "all else being equal," children should stay with their
>mothers. "Washing their hands of judgments about conduct. the courts assume
>that all children should normally live with their mothers, regardless of
>the women have behaved," observes Sunday Times columnist Melanie Phillips.
>"Yet if a mother has gone off to live with another man, does that not
>indicate a measure of irresponsibility or instability, not least because by
>breaking up the family. she is acting against their best interests?"
>Mothers who take and keep children from their fathers are routinely given
>immediate "temporary" custody. In fact this custody is seldom temporary.
>Once a mother has custody, the situation cannot be changed without a
>(and costly- or, for the lawyers, lucrative) court battle. The sooner and
>the longer the mother can establish herself as the children's sole
>caretaker, the more difficult and costly it is to dislodge her. Further,
>more she cuts the children off from the father, poisons them against him,
>levels false charges, delays the proceedings, and obstructs his efforts to
>see his children, the more likely she is to retain sole custody.
>As for the father, any restraint he shows is likely to cost him dearly, as
>most fathers discover too late. On the other hand, reciprocal belligerence
>and aggressive litigation on his part may carry enough hope of reward to
>keep him interested. It is significant and revealing that the latest
>tactical wisdom suggests to nervous fathers that the game is so rigged that
>their best chance may be not to wait for their day in court but to snatch
>the children right away, before the litigation begins. Then the fathers-who
>are now the ones with custody-are advised to conceal, obstruct, delay, and
>so forth. "If you do not take action," writes Robert Seidenberg in The
>Father's Emergency Guide to Divorce-Custody Battle, "your wife will." Thus
>we seem to have a nightmare scenario, reminiscent of the strategies for
>nuclear warfare, complete with the threat of a pre-emptive strike. There is
>a race to pull the trigger; whoever strikes first, survives.
>The Dickens principle
>Far from merely exploiting family breakdown after the fact, then, American
>domestic-relations law has turned family problems into games of "prisoners'
>dilemma," in which only the most trusting marriage can survive, and the
>emergence of marital discord renders the decision not to abscond with the
>children as perilous and even irrational. Willingly or not, all parents are
>now prisoners in this game.
>How did all this come about? The advent of "no-fault" divorce, often blamed
>for leaving wives vulnerable to abandonment, has left fathers with no
>protection against the confiscation of their children. "No-fault" is a
>misnomer, for the new laws did not stop at removing grounds for divorce, so
>as to allow divorce by mutual consent (as their sponsors promised that they
>would); they also created what Maggie Gallagher, in The Abolition of
>Marriage, calls "unilateral" divorce, allowing either spouse to end the
>marriage at any time without any agreement or fault by the other.
>What is striking about these new divorce laws is that they were passed
>"while no one was looking," largely at the prompting of lawyers and judges.
>There had been no popular clamor to dispense with restrictions on divorce
>prior to their passage; no public debate was ever held in the national
>media. "The divorce laws . . . were reformed by unrepresentative groups
>very particular agendas of their own and which were not in step with public
>opinion," writes Phillips in The Sex-Change Society. "All the evidence
>suggests that public attitudes were gradually dragged along behind laws
>were generally understood at the time to mean something very different from
>what they subsequently came to represent." Attorney Ed Truncellito agrees.
>In August 2000 he filed suit with the Texas Supreme Court against the state
>bar. Truncellito contends the legislative history of no-fault divorce law
>Texas makes it clear that the law was meant to be applied only in
>uncontested cases. He insists that "the state bar knew all along that the
>no-fault law was being misapplied, but they covered it up for financial
>gain." Truncellito claims that for practical purposes, under Texas law
>today, "no one is married," because the laws created "unilateral divorce on
>demand." Although feminist groups were involved in the drive for no-fault
>divorce, they were not usually the most important proponents; the changes
>were passed largely by and for the legal industry.
>Dickens' observation "the one great principle of the. law is to make
>business for itself" could hardly be more starkly validated. Nothing in the
>law requires a judge to grant the divorcing parent's initial request to
>strip the other parent of his children. A judge could simply rule that,
>prima facie, neither the father nor the children had committed any
>infraction that would justify their being forcibly separated, and that
>neither the mother nor the court had any grounds on which to separate them.
>Yet such rulings are virtually unheard of. One need not be overly cynical
>notice that judges who made such judgments would be rendering themselves
>largely redundant-and denying earnings to a massive entourage of lawyers,
>custody evaluators, psychologists and psychiatrists, guardians ad litem,
>mediators, counselors, child-support enforcement agents, social workers,
>other hangers-on of the court, all of whom profit from the custody battle
>and have a strong say in the appointment and promotion of judges.
>The power of family courts
>For all the concern that has been voiced in recent years about both family
>destruction and judicial power, it is surprising that so little attention
>has been focused on family courts. Without doubt they are the arm of the
>state that routinely reaches furthest into the private lives of individuals
>and families. Though lowest in the ranking of the judicial hierarchy, the
>family courts have the greatest discretionary power. "The family court is
>the most powerful branch of the judiciary," according to Robert W. Page,
>Presiding Judge of the Family Part of the Superior Court of New Jersey. By
>their own assessment, according to Judge Page, "the power of family court
>judges is almost unlimited." Others have commented on their vast power
>rather less respectfully. Former US Supreme Court Justice Abe Fortas once
>used the term "kangaroo court" in reference to the family courts. Contrary
>to basic principles of open government, these courts generally operate
>behind closed doors, excluding even family members, and most leave no
>of their proceedings.
>These courts emerged in the 1960s and 1970s alongside the revolution in
>divorce laws. Their existence, and virtually every problem they
>address--divorce, custody, child abuse, child-support enforcement, even
>juvenile crime-revolve around one overriding principle: removing the father
>from the family. If fathers remained with their families, family courts
>would have little reason to exist, since the problems that they handle
>seldom appear in intact families. While mothers also fall afoul of family
>court judges, it is fathers against whom their enmity is largely directed,
>because fathers are their principal rivals.
>The judges' contempt for both fathers and constitutional rights was openly
>expressed by New Jersey municipal court judge Richard Russell. Speaking to
>his colleagues during a training seminar in 1994, he said:
>Your job is not to become concerned about the constitutional rights of the
>man that you're violating. Throw him out on the street, give him the
>on his back and tell him, "See ya around." . . .We don't have to worry
>their rights.
>Family court judges are generally appointed and promoted by commissions
>are dominated by bar associations and other professional groups which have
>an interest in maximizing the volume of litigation. The politics of court
>appointments operate according to principles of patronage that Richard A.
>Watson and Rondal G. Downing, authors of The Politics of the Bench and the
>Bar, have described as "cronyistic." Political scientist Herbert Jacob
>describes how "the judge occupies a vital position not only because of his
>role in the judicial process but also because of his control over lucrative
>patronage positions." Jacob cites probate courts, where positions as estate
>appraisers "are generally passed out to the judge's political cronies or to
>persons who can help his private practice." The principles are similar in
>family courts (with which probate courts are sometimes united), only there
>what is passed out is control over children.
>Like all courts, family courts complain of being overburdened. Yet it is
>clearly in their interest to be overburdened, since judicial powers and
>salaries are determined by the level of demand for their services. "Judges
>and staff. should be given every consideration for salary and the other
>'perks' or other emoluments of their high office," suggests Judge Page,
>adding that divorce court judges aim, and should aim, to increase their
>volume of business. "As the court does a better job, more persons will be
>attracted to it," he observes. "The better the family court system
>the higher. the volume of the persons served." A court "does a better job"
>by attracting more divorcing mothers with more windfall settlements.
>Fathers with no rights
>Once the father "loses custody," in the jargon of the court, he becomes in
>many ways a virtual outlaw and subject to plunder by a variety of
>His contact with his own children becomes criminalized, in that he can be
>arrested if he tries to see them outside of court-approved times and
>Unlike anyone else, he can be (and fathers have been) arrested for running
>into his children in a public place such as the zoo, a sporting event, or a
>parish church. He can also be arrested for telephoning his children when he
>has not been authorized to do so, or for sending them birthday cards.
>Fathers are routinely summoned to court and subjected to questioning about
>their private lives and how they raise their children. Whether or not they
>have been accused of any wrongdoing, they are subject to questioning that
>attorney Jed Abraham has characterized as "interrogation." Their personal
>papers, bank accounts, and homes must be opened and surrendered on request
>to government officials, who are not required to produce warrants. Their
>children are taught to suspect them, with the backing of government
>officials, and given directions to inform on them.
>Anything a father has said to his spouse or children can be used against
>in court. His personal habits, movements, conversations, purchases, and
>his relationship with his own children are all subject to inquiry and
>control by the court. A Virginia father had his visitation time reduced
>a judge decided that soccer was a more important Sunday-morning activity
>than attending church services. Another father in Tennessee may face a jail
>term for giving his son an unauthorized haircut. Jed Abraham describes how
>fathers against whom no evidence of wrongdoing is presented are ordered to
>submit to "plethysmographs," in which an electronic sheath is placed over
>the penis while the father is forced to watch pornographic films involving
>Despite the constitutional prohibition on incarceration for debt, a father
>can be jailed without trial for failure to pay not only child support but
>also the fees of lawyers and psychotherapists he has not hired. A father
>forcibly separated from his son for three years now faces jail in Virginia
>if he cannot pay the equivalent of two years' salary to a lawyer he never
>hired, for a divorce he never requested. The judge has summoned a legally
>unimpeachable citizen and ordered him to write a check or go to jail. And
>the weapon he is using is a child.
>Litigants have long claimed that family courts tamper with transcripts and
>other evidence, but were unable to document their claims until Zed
>a forensic audio-visual expert, showed photographic evidence that hearing
>records in his case were being doctored. For his complaint, later aired in
>the Massachusetts News, McLarnon was assessed $20,000 in fees for attorneys
>he had not hired, and jailed without trial by the same judges who were
>responsible for the doctored tapes. The court is currently moving to seize
>his house and car. His attorney claims the court also "removed documents
>from his case file, falsified the case docket, refused to enter motions and
>hearings in the public record, and withheld the public case file for nine
>The child-support conundrum
>The criminalization of fathers is further consolidated through
>burdens, which constitute the principal financial fuel of the divorce
>machinery, underwriting divorce and giving both mothers and the state
>further incentive to remove children from their fathers.
>We often hear the imprecations of politicians and enforcement officials
>against fathers who fail to pay child support. What we do not hear is that
>child-support obligations are determined not by the needs of children but
>the politics of interest groups involved in collection. Guidelines are
>generally set by the same agencies and courts that enforce and adjudicate
>them. Such de facto legislation by courts and enforcement agents raises
>serious questions about the separation of powers and the constitutionality
>of the process. Where government officials develop an interest in hunting
>"delinquents," it is predictable that they will find delinquents to hunt.
>The more onerous the child-support levels, and the more defaults and
>arrearages that accumulate, the more demand there will be for coercive
>enforcement and for the personnel and powers required.
>A presumption of guilt pervades courts and prosecutions, where "the burden
>of proof may be shifted to the defendant," according to a legal analysis by
>the National Council of State Legislatures. In clear violation of the US
>Constitution, courts have held that "not all child-support contempt
>proceedings classified as criminal are entitled to a jury trial," and "even
>indigent obligors are not necessarily entitled to a lawyer." Thus
>impoverished parents who lose their children through literally "no fault"
>their own are the only citizens who-when they are fortunate enough to be
>formally charged and tried at all before being incarcerated-must prove
>innocence without the help of an attorney and without the opportunity to
>present their case before a jury of their peers.
>Federal policies (which provide incentive payments attached to each dollar
>of child support collected by state governments) give another reason for
>states to channel all child-support questions through the machinery of the
>criminal justice system, so that they will show up on the relevant federal
>ledgers. This policy aggravates the criminalization of fathers, and
>encourages agencies to squeeze every possible dollar out of every available
>parent. The result is systematic bullying by courts and enforcement agents:
>a pattern of activity that is now too common to ignore.
>In Milwaukee a father is hauled into court and threatened with jail when a
>40-cent arrearage is compounded by penalties and late fees until it reaches
>to hundreds of dollars. Another father is arrested for not paying child
>support while he was a hostage for five months in Iraq. In Texas a father
>exonerated of a serious crime after ten years on death row, to be presented
>with a bill for child support not paid during his imprisonment. A decorated
>hero of the Oklahoma City bombing is driven to suicide by hounding from
>child support agencies. In Nebraska and elsewhere men must pay support for
>the children who are produced by their former wives' adulterous affairs. In
>Los Angeles, 350 child-support orders are established each month based on
>mistaken paternity claims, but the district attorney insists that men must
>pay-even if the children are not their own. (Also in Los Angeles, two
>assistant district attorneys resign because of ethical scruples connected
>with child-support enforcement policies.) In Virginia child support is
>sought for 45-year-old "children," while in Kansas and California teenage
>boys are ordered to pay child support to grown women convicted of
>raping them. In Indiana a father must pay to be shackled with an electric
>ankle bracelet and turn over three-fourths of his salary, ostensibly for a
>21-year-old "child," while his 12-year-old goes without medical treatment.
>The list of such abuses is virtually endless. Are these merely anecdotes or
>occasional excesses of the system? That is possible, but if the abandonment
>of children by their fathers is really such a widespread problem, why are
>government agencies concentrating scarce resources on these absurd cases,
>rather than devoting themselves assiduously to the most flagrant abuses?
>Driven to despair
>In March 2000 a Canadian man named Darrin White was denied all contact with
>his three children, evicted from his home, and ordered to pay more than
>twice his annual income as child and spousal support, plus court costs for
>divorce to which he had never agreed. Shortly after that judgment, White
>hanged himself from a tree. No evidence of any wrongdoing had ever been
>presented against him.
>The fate of Darrin White is increasingly common. "There is nothing unusual
>about this judgment," former British Columbia Supreme Court Judge Lloyd
>McKenzie told the Vancouver Sun when he was questioned about White's case.
>McKenzie pointed out that the judge in White's case applied standard
>guidelines for spousal and child support-the same sort of guidelines that
>are regularly used in the US and other western countries.
>In fact there are those who would argue that the phenomenon of fathers who
>are driven to suicide by family courts now threatens to become an epidemic.
>In Britain the National Association for Child Support Action has published
>"Book of the Dead," chronicling 55 cases in which they report that the
>official Court Coroner concluded fathers were driven to suicide because of
>judgments from divorce courts and/or harassment by child-support agencies.
>The suicide rate among divorced fathers has increased dramatically,
>according to Augustine Kposowa of the University of California, who
>his findings in the Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health. Kposowa
>attributes his finding directly to family court judgments. Yet reports on
>his study by several major media outlets studiously avoided that conclusion
>of his study, instead accentuating therapeutic explanations that emphasized
>the fathers' lack of "support networks." One reporter bluntly told Kposowa
>that his findings were not "politically correct."
>Family law is now denying rights as basic as freedom of speech, freedom of
>the press, and even the right to hold private conversations. An Arizona
>father has been ordered not to criticize judges in his conversations with
>members of his own family. British and Australian family courts have closed
>Internet sites and prosecuted fathers for criticizing judges. In many
>American jurisdictions it is a crime to criticize family court judges. On
>Fathers' Day 1998, a California father who had been planning to protest the
>fact that he had not seen his son in more than two years was taken into
>custody for a "psychiatric evaluation." The former husband of singer
>Judd was recently arrested for talking to reporters about his divorce.
>Following his Congressional testimony critical of the family courts, Jim
>Wagner of the Georgia Council for Children's Rights was stripped of custody
>of his two children and jailed. "We believe . . . the court is attempting
>punish Wagner for exposing the court's misconduct to a congressional
>committee," said Sonny Burmeister, president of the Georgia Council.
>As the logic of involuntary divorce plays itself out, we now find instances
>in which divorce is forced on not only one parent but both. Mothers are not
>only being enticed into filing for divorce by financial and emotional
>incentives; they are being pressured toward divorce by threats against
>children. These pressures arise when government agencies, for reasons of
>their own, determine that a married couple is not providing a suitable
>environment for their children; the agencies then tell the mother that she
>will lose her children unless she ends the marriage. On February 20, 2001,
>the Massachusetts News reported that Heidi Howard was ordered by the
>Department of Social Services to divorce her husband Neil or lose her
>children, although the Department acknowledged he had not been violent.
>she refused to accept their advice, the social workers seized her children,
>including a newborn, and attempted to terminate the Howards' parental
>rights. Massachusetts News reporter Nev Moore says she has seen hundreds of
>similar cases. In short, the state can now tear apart families by imposing
>divorce on married parents.
>What can be done?
>The divorce industry has rendered marriage, in effect, a fraudulent
>contract. Until marriage is made an enforceable contract, there is little
>point in exhorting young people to put their trust in the legal
>Young men in particular who are lured into marriage and family today can
>lose their children, their homes, their freedom, and even their lives. It
>not surprising that ever fewer men are ready to make the marital
>More than anyone else, the ones who must stand up and demand that marriage
>be made an enforceable contract are fathers. This does not necessarily
>require "turning back the clock" to fault-based divorce-a move that many
>observers now believe is not politically feasible. What it does require is
>the recognition that marriage confers legal rights on parents and their
>children, including the right not to be separated without compelling legal
>grounds. Except in extreme circumstances, that right should prevail over
>what government officials deem to be in the children's "best interest."
>The others who must speak out in defense of marriage are the clergy. The
>destruction of marriage and families by the state directly concerns the
>churches, not simply because all matters of morality and justice concern
>churches, but also because this particular controversy touches upon the
>integrity of their pastoral ministry. As long as marital and parental bonds
>can simply be legally dissolved by the state at the request of one
>spouse-with no grounds, wrongdoing, legal action, or agreement by the
>other-our pastors must consider how far they may be, however inadvertently,
>deceiving their flock and dishonoring their calling by encouraging young
>people to enter into a legal contract that has been stripped of its
>practical meaning.
>The words "divorce" and "custody" now sound deceptively innocuous. We
>remind ourselves that they involve bringing the law-enforcement and penal
>system into the home, for use against family members who have not
>necessarily done anything legally wrong. Fathers are not without sin, of
>course, and marital difficulties are seldom the fault of one party alone.
>But our justice system is supposed to be based on a distinction between
>legal wrongdoing (criminal or civil) and human imperfection or sin.
>Ironically, that distinction has been obliterated-not by churches or
>ecclesiastical courts, but by secular ones.
>Stephen Baskerville is a professor of political science at Howard
>in Washington, DC.
>Back to Catholic World Report August/September 2001 Table of Contents
>Back to Magazine Rack